Migrant Farmworkers in Vermont
By: Natalie Lovelace
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When you think of Vermont, people often think of barns, cows, Ben & Jerry’s, and of course- cheese. Dairy farms are a dominant part of Vermont’s landscape. Although the ecological implications of many food products have been stressed, resulting in an increased demand for organic, local food, the labor involved in its planting, growing, and harvesting often goes overlooked. Just because a farm is local or organic, does not necessarily mean that the labor practices are sound. There are many labor injustices happening right here in Vermont out of sight of the public eye - for good reason too, since a majority of the labor on dairy farms are undocumented migrant farmworkers from Mexico.
As dairy cows started replacing sheep on Vermont pastures in 1900, dairy soon became the number-one commodity in Vermont’s agricultural sales (Parsons, 2010). Starting in 1950, many small dairies started consolidating into larger, more mechanized ones with larger numbers of cows, resulting in a devastating loss of dairy farms. In 1940, Vermont had 11,000, dairy farms and today, there are less than 1,000 (Sneyd et al., 2010). Despite this decrease in farms, Vermont's production has not slowed down. Although there are fewer and fewer dairies, the size of each individual farm has multiplied, making Vermont the 12th largest milk producer in the United States (Baker & Chappell, 2012). With an increase in size, the labor involved on these operations are some of the most hazardous and dirty jobs in agriculture, making these jobs undesirable. In order to keep these operations afloat, farmers started seeking labor from migrant farmworkers. These individuals started migrating to the United States in hopes of finding a stable job that would allow them to send money back home to their families whose livelihoods had been destroyed due to the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). This is extremely risky, and for many, results in death. Between 1993 and 2009, there were over 5000 reported border-crossing deaths along the US-Mexico border (Augustave & Liebman, 2010). Most of the workers do not intend on staying in the United States, but instead hope to make a surplus amount of money, and then return to their home in Mexico.
As dairy cows started replacing sheep on Vermont pastures in 1900, dairy soon became the number-one commodity in Vermont’s agricultural sales (Parsons, 2010). Starting in 1950, many small dairies started consolidating into larger, more mechanized ones with larger numbers of cows, resulting in a devastating loss of dairy farms. In 1940, Vermont had 11,000, dairy farms and today, there are less than 1,000 (Sneyd et al., 2010). Despite this decrease in farms, Vermont's production has not slowed down. Although there are fewer and fewer dairies, the size of each individual farm has multiplied, making Vermont the 12th largest milk producer in the United States (Baker & Chappell, 2012). With an increase in size, the labor involved on these operations are some of the most hazardous and dirty jobs in agriculture, making these jobs undesirable. In order to keep these operations afloat, farmers started seeking labor from migrant farmworkers. These individuals started migrating to the United States in hopes of finding a stable job that would allow them to send money back home to their families whose livelihoods had been destroyed due to the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). This is extremely risky, and for many, results in death. Between 1993 and 2009, there were over 5000 reported border-crossing deaths along the US-Mexico border (Augustave & Liebman, 2010). Most of the workers do not intend on staying in the United States, but instead hope to make a surplus amount of money, and then return to their home in Mexico.
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Today, there are over 1500 migrant farmworkers in Vermont, who are responsible for around half of the total milk produced in Vermont. In addition, more than 90% of these workers are undocumented (Radel et al, 2010). The life for many of these farmworkers is extremely difficult. Many work 60 to 80 hours a week, but have insufficient housing, making it difficult for them to fully rest before going to work the following day. Almost a fifth of migrant workers report getting less than 8 hours of sleep a day, and many work over 7 days without a break. Many of their houses are overcrowded, forcing some to sleep on couches, and many do not have sufficient heat. They live in constant fear of being deported, forcing them to stay on the farm where they work. On average, they receive $7.75/hour; however, their earnings are often not given to them on time (Baker & Chappell). Some even report not having clean drinking water (History & Organization. 2012).
Despite the fact that these individuals play a crucial role in Vermont's food system, they rarely have access to milk and other dairy products, or any culturally familiar foods. Because Vermont is so close to the border, in addition to the lack of diversity in Vermont, Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) poses a great threat to undocumented workers. As a result many never leave the farms where they work, forcing them to rely on other for their food. The farm owners will often go grocery shopping for the workers; however, much of the diet is cheap, processed food that is unlike the food they had at home.
In addition to an unfamiliar diet, very few individuals speak Spanish in Vermont, adding yet another element of isolation. The dairy farms are also miles apart from each other, making it extremely difficult to visit other migrants. In addition to physical pain, many workers also suffer from mental health issues due to this geographic and physiological "isolation, and loss of social capital, inadequate housing, and concerns about lack of legal status”, causing anxiety and depression (Baker & Chappelle, 2012). Barriers to adequate health care include “cost, transportation, language, fear of law enforcement, and cultural barriers” (Baker & Chappell). The most common illnesses dairy workers face are “skin problems, musculoskeletal pain and injuries typically related to diary work” (Baker & Chappelle, 2012).
However, there are several organizations in Vermont working to create better working conditions for migrant workers and ensure they receive basic human rights, such as Migrant Justice and Huertas.
Despite the fact that these individuals play a crucial role in Vermont's food system, they rarely have access to milk and other dairy products, or any culturally familiar foods. Because Vermont is so close to the border, in addition to the lack of diversity in Vermont, Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) poses a great threat to undocumented workers. As a result many never leave the farms where they work, forcing them to rely on other for their food. The farm owners will often go grocery shopping for the workers; however, much of the diet is cheap, processed food that is unlike the food they had at home.
In addition to an unfamiliar diet, very few individuals speak Spanish in Vermont, adding yet another element of isolation. The dairy farms are also miles apart from each other, making it extremely difficult to visit other migrants. In addition to physical pain, many workers also suffer from mental health issues due to this geographic and physiological "isolation, and loss of social capital, inadequate housing, and concerns about lack of legal status”, causing anxiety and depression (Baker & Chappelle, 2012). Barriers to adequate health care include “cost, transportation, language, fear of law enforcement, and cultural barriers” (Baker & Chappell). The most common illnesses dairy workers face are “skin problems, musculoskeletal pain and injuries typically related to diary work” (Baker & Chappelle, 2012).
However, there are several organizations in Vermont working to create better working conditions for migrant workers and ensure they receive basic human rights, such as Migrant Justice and Huertas.
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Migrant Justice:
Migrant Justice is one organization that is working towards improving farm workers rights in Vermont that started as a result of the dairy farm-related death of José Obeth Santiz Cruz in December 2009. The organization is led by a 10 person Farmworker Coordinating Committee who meets every month and work with a variety of organizations to ensure basic human rights for all migrant farm workers, including: “quality health care; dignified work and fair housing; freedom of movement and access to transportation; freedom from discrimination” (History & Organization, 2012). They are currently working on a campaign called, Milk with Dignity, which is working towards creating a set of rules to ensure the migrants are receiving fair working and living conditions. Then their goal is to have large corporations sign this petition and only purchase milk from farms who are treating their workers with dignity. By getting large corporations to show their support for workers rights, farms will have to change their model in order to stay in business. Some of the previous campaigns that Migrant Justice has worked on include strengthening Vermont's bias-free policy, and helping pass grant all Vermont residences drivers license, no matter their immigration status.
Huertas:
Huertas is UVM's Bridges to Health program that works to increase access to fresh, culturally appropriate foods through kitchen gardens. This year, Huertas has helped create gardens on 50 farms in Vermont. Due to their lack of ability to go food shopping, many migrant workers lack food sovereignty. Ironically, the lack of food security is one of the main reasons many that drove migrants to the United States to begin with. Huertas helps farm workers plant gardens with produce that is regularly consumed in a worker's homeland, but is hard to find in the United States, such as chiles and herbs. In addition to the creation of gardens, Huertas volunteers have also organized on-farm canning classes, cooking classes, and even exercise classes. Although its primary goal is to work on issues with food access, Huertas has also worked towards created a sense of community for migrant workers. |
Portrait of A Player: Teresa Mares
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Teresa Mares, an Anthropology professor at UVM, is the co-coordinator of Huertas. Huertas is a project based out of UVM’s Bridges to Health extension program that works with Mexican and Guatemalan farmworkers to plant gardens on the farm where they work to increase access to fresh, culturally relevant produce and herbs. Dr. Mares’ goal for the project is to allow these farmworkers to “experience their food in the way they want to experience it and in a way that is meaningful to them”.
Mares first became interested in food justice work as a graduate student working in the nonprofit sector and living in Seattle, Washington. She was especially interested in the role of urban agriculture in supporting the connections between sustainable development and social justice.
In the fall of 2011, after getting a teaching position as an Anthropology professor at UVM, Dr. Mares helped Naomi Wolcott-MacCausland, the Migrant Health Coordinator for Bridges to Health, coordinate and formalized the Huertas project.
Along with creating access and food security for these workers, Huertas also works to build a sense of community and cross-cultural relationships. However, this is difficult in Vermont due to the proximity to the border, to cities, and to other dairy farms. Unlike in Seattle, where migrant workers can easily go into the city, go to church together, and be part of a community, in Vermont, migrants primarily stay on the farm in which they work. Since many are undocumented, many live in constant fear of being caught by border control, forcing them to live in isolation on their farm. Since it is difficult for these workers to leave their farm, the community is often built on the farm between the Huertas volunteers, workers, and sometimes even the farm owners. Dr. Mares also attempts to create community amongst the workers on different farms; however, this is difficult to do the potential risks of border control. Although they have had some salsa parties or canning parties, Mares emphasizes that she would never want to put any of these workers at risk, so community oriented events are limited, which is one of her “biggest frustrations”.
Another limitation is lack of time. A majority of these workers are doing backbreaking labor 70 hours a week (Barber, 2013), and keeping up with a garden requires a lot of time to plant, maintain and harvest. It then takes additional time to use this produce to create dishes. Mares emphasizes that it is “important to be realistic about what can actually be kept up”.
There have been many successes with the Huertas project and continuous room to grow. Many farm owners are in favor of the program because they have to purchase groceries less. Oftentimes the farm owners end up also helping out with the garden as well, strengthening the bond between worker and owner. There has been some cross-cultural integration into the communities. For example, a few migrant women have led a few bi-lingual tamales cooking classes at City Market. In addition, many migrant workers have asked for guidance on how to cook American meals from scratch as well, such as pizza.
Dr. Mares also emphasizes that migrant workers are not the only ones suffering. Lots of small farms barely have enough to make by, and it is because of this that labor is often where economic cuts are made. Although Huertas can help to make many positive changes at ground level, the root of the problem is an institutional one, which needs to be changed at a political level.
Mares first became interested in food justice work as a graduate student working in the nonprofit sector and living in Seattle, Washington. She was especially interested in the role of urban agriculture in supporting the connections between sustainable development and social justice.
In the fall of 2011, after getting a teaching position as an Anthropology professor at UVM, Dr. Mares helped Naomi Wolcott-MacCausland, the Migrant Health Coordinator for Bridges to Health, coordinate and formalized the Huertas project.
Along with creating access and food security for these workers, Huertas also works to build a sense of community and cross-cultural relationships. However, this is difficult in Vermont due to the proximity to the border, to cities, and to other dairy farms. Unlike in Seattle, where migrant workers can easily go into the city, go to church together, and be part of a community, in Vermont, migrants primarily stay on the farm in which they work. Since many are undocumented, many live in constant fear of being caught by border control, forcing them to live in isolation on their farm. Since it is difficult for these workers to leave their farm, the community is often built on the farm between the Huertas volunteers, workers, and sometimes even the farm owners. Dr. Mares also attempts to create community amongst the workers on different farms; however, this is difficult to do the potential risks of border control. Although they have had some salsa parties or canning parties, Mares emphasizes that she would never want to put any of these workers at risk, so community oriented events are limited, which is one of her “biggest frustrations”.
Another limitation is lack of time. A majority of these workers are doing backbreaking labor 70 hours a week (Barber, 2013), and keeping up with a garden requires a lot of time to plant, maintain and harvest. It then takes additional time to use this produce to create dishes. Mares emphasizes that it is “important to be realistic about what can actually be kept up”.
There have been many successes with the Huertas project and continuous room to grow. Many farm owners are in favor of the program because they have to purchase groceries less. Oftentimes the farm owners end up also helping out with the garden as well, strengthening the bond between worker and owner. There has been some cross-cultural integration into the communities. For example, a few migrant women have led a few bi-lingual tamales cooking classes at City Market. In addition, many migrant workers have asked for guidance on how to cook American meals from scratch as well, such as pizza.
Dr. Mares also emphasizes that migrant workers are not the only ones suffering. Lots of small farms barely have enough to make by, and it is because of this that labor is often where economic cuts are made. Although Huertas can help to make many positive changes at ground level, the root of the problem is an institutional one, which needs to be changed at a political level.